by The Senate approved a long-awaited foreign aid package for Ukraine and Israel early Tuesday morning, delivering bipartisan support for the legislation after months of negotiations, dire battlefield warnings and political confusion. But the measure faced huge opposition in the House, where Republican resistance threatened to kill it.
The 70-29 vote reflected a critical mass of support in Congress for the $95 billion emergency relief legislation and for continuing to arm Ukraine in its fight against Russian aggression. The move would provide an additional $60.1 billion for kyiv, bringing total U.S. investment in the war effort to more than $170 billion, as well as $14.1 billion for Israel’s war against Hamas and nearly $10 billion for dollars for humanitarian aid for civilians in conflict zones. , including Palestinians in Gaza.
But it also divided Republicans and predicted a bumpy road in the GOP-led House of Representatives, where the president suggested Monday night that he would not act on it.
Twenty-two Senate Republicans voted with nearly all Democrats in favor of the bill (five more than helped it clear a final procedural hurdle Monday night), while the rest of the party argued against further funding. the battle of a foreign nation to protect its sovereignty without first. crack down on the influx of migration into the United States across its border with Mexico.
The vote came after an all-night Senate session in which a parade of Republican opponents gave speeches denouncing various aspects of the bill.
Republican hostility to the measure has been encouraged by former President Donald J. Trump, who encouraged Republican senators to reject an earlier version that would have included a bipartisan border security agreement, and President Mike Johnson.
“House Republicans were very clear from the beginning of the discussions that any so-called supplemental national security legislation must recognize that national security begins at our own border,” Johnson said in a statement Monday night. and added: “In the absence of having received any changes in border policy from the Senate, the House will have to continue to work its own way on these important issues.”
His comments suggested that the only path for the foreign aid bill to pass the House of Representatives could be for a bipartisan coalition like the one in the Senate – which includes more traditional Republicans concerned about national security – to come together and use extraordinary measures to force the adoption of measures in this regard.
“If we want the world to remain a safe place for freedom, democratic principles, and our future prosperity, then the United States must lead the way; and with this bill, the Senate declares that American leadership will not falter, will not falter, will not fail,” Sen. Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y., majority leader, said after the vote.
Later, at a Capitol news conference, he laid out what’s at stake should the bill fail in the roundabout.
“Now it’s up to the House: seize this moment, do the right thing and save democracy,” Schumer said. “If the far right rejects this bill, it would be a huge gift to Vladimir Putin. “It would be a betrayal of our partners and allies, and an abandonment of our service members.”
Sen. Mitch McConnell, a Republican from Kentucky and the minority leader who has openly defended aid to Ukraine, celebrated the vote as a triumph over skeptics in his own party, although he stopped short of directly challenging Johnson to introduce the bill. law in the House.
“The Senate understands America’s national security responsibilities and will not neglect them,” McConnell said in a statement after the vote. “History settles all accounts. And today, on the value of American leadership and strength, history will record that the Senate did not blink.”
Still, McConnell’s stance was a break with most Republicans in Congress, who have repudiated the measure, reflecting a shift away from the party’s traditional tough stance and its belief in projecting American power and democratic principles. Worldwide.
Trump in particular has criticized the legislation during the election campaign. In recent days, he has argued on social media that it was “stupid” for the United States to offer foreign aid instead of loans and encouraged Russia to “do whatever it wants” to NATO members who did not spend enough money on their own defense.
The pressure did little to erode a coalition of Republicans who cast multiple votes to keep the relief bill moving forward; in fact, the bloc grew as the legislation was passed.
That task will be more difficult in the Republican-led House of Representatives, where Johnson controls the floor and right-wing lawmakers have shown a willingness to block legislation they oppose from even coming up for a vote. Still, if proponents can muster enough support from Democrats and traditional, national security-minded Republicans willing to oppose Trump and the far right, they could circumvent the opposition through a maneuver known as a discharge petition. That allows lawmakers to force passage of the legislation if they can gather the signatures of a majority of the House (218 members) calling for action.
In the Senate, Republicans who supported the legislation argued that its passage was imperative to maintain the United States’ international standing as the guardian of Western-style democracy against threats posed by authoritarian regimes. They viewed the Ukraine war as a critical test of whether Washington really wants to confront aggressors like President Vladimir V. Putin of Russia.
“If things continue this bad for the next two years, Putin will be losing,” Sen. Thom Tillis, R-North Carolina, said of Ukraine’s war effort. He argued that helping Kiev could weaken Putin’s grip on power: “and getting rid of him is worth $60 billion or $600 billion.”
Tillis also dismissed the idea that skepticism of the bill by Republican voters was a reason to oppose it.
“When people use the base as a reason to say they have to oppose it, I say: I go home, show some respect to my base, dispel the rumors, talk about the facts,” he said. “And then I don’t have an underlying problem.”
Many Republican opponents cited the lack of strict border restrictions for the United States. But they also led the charge last week to overturn a version of the legislation that combined aid with tougher border measures, including tougher asylum laws, increased detention capacity and expedited deportations.
“A literal invasion is coming across our border,” Sen. Rand Paul, R-Ky., said on the floor Monday. “And all they had time to do in the Senate was get the money, get the packages of cash, load the planes, prepare the champagne and fly to kyiv.”
Other Republicans argued it was crazy to send Ukraine tens of billions more dollars, questioning whether kyiv could ever gain the upper hand against Russia.
Putin is “an evil war criminal, but he will not lose,” said Sen. Ron Johnson, R-Wis., adding that “the continuation of this war is destroying Ukraine.”
And in a memo to colleagues, Sen. JD Vance, R-Ohio, suggested that the entire bill was designed to compromise Trump’s ability to cut off aid to Kiev in the future if he won the election.
“The supplement represents an attempt by the deep state/foreign policy blob to prevent President Trump from pursuing his desired policies,” Vance wrote, adding that Democrats were trying to “provide grounds to impeach him and undermine his administration.”
Some Democratic senators also opposed the legislation because of the billions of dollars in offensive weapons included for Israel.
“I cannot vote to send more bombs and shells to Israel when they are being used indiscriminately against Palestinian civilians,” Sen. Jeff Merkley of Oregon said in a statement Monday night. He joined Sen. Bernie Sanders, an independent from Vermont, who normally votes with Democrats but broke with the party over his objections to Israel’s actions against the Palestinians in Gaza.
Kayla Guo contributed reports.
