by When Hamas unleashed a bloody attack on Israel in October, there was a swift and loud bipartisan outcry in Congress for the United States to spare no expense to support a robust military response by the Jewish state. One hundred days later, that consensus on Capitol Hill shows signs of weakening, as left-wing Democrats, alarmed by the growing human cost of the war in Gaza, push to limit aid to Israel or impose strict conditions.
The effort has divided Democrats and spurred an intense lobbying effort by pro-Israel groups. It will peak Tuesday, when the Senate votes on a resolution that would freeze all U.S. security aid to Israel unless the State Department submits a report within 30 days examining whether the country committed human rights violations during the war. If the Biden administration misses the deadline, aid would be restored once Congress receives the report, or hold separate votes to ensure assistance continues uninterrupted.
The measure, forced to be shot down by Sen. Bernie Sanders, an independent from Vermont, has little chance of passing given opposition from Republicans and Democrats. But it is just one of a series of measures that progressives in the Senate have proposed in recent weeks that reflect their discomfort with Israel’s conduct of the war and raise questions about whether the United States would send a new injection of funds to Israel. and under what circumstances. return the country.
“There is growing concern among the American people and in Congress that what Israel is doing now is not a war against Hamas, but a war against the Palestinian people,” Sanders said in an interview. “For me, the fact that with American military aid children are dying of hunger is something that I don’t know what adjectives I can use. It is shameful. And I think I’m not the only one who feels that.”
In October, President Biden requested a sweeping emergency national security package that included roughly $14 billion to support Israel in the conflict, but debate over that measure has largely focused on the much larger sum earmarked for Ukraine. Many Republicans oppose sending more money to kyiv, and others have insisted that it must be accompanied by an immigration offensive on the US-Mexico border, which has been the subject of careful negotiations.
But aid to Israel is facing its own obstacles, as the military campaign in Gaza drags on and the count of Palestinians killed surpasses 24,000, most of them civilians, according to Gaza’s Health Ministry.
The rising death toll – along with the roadblocks Israel has imposed to bring aid to civilians trapped under shelling – has inspired protests on the streets of American cities and accusations of genocide at the International Court of Justice. It has also caused concern in the Biden administration, as senior officials pressure Israel to reduce military operations and allow in more aid, while maintaining a public stance of support for the war.
In recent weeks, more than a dozen Democratic senators, almost all of them from the party’s left wing, have signed several measures to limit or impose conditions on security aid to Israel. It would require an assurance from the president that any weapons provided would be used in accordance with U.S. and international law.
Other senators who support the resolution have argued that it should not be controversial to seek accountability in a deadly war.
“It raises important questions about the conduct of the war and civil rights,” Sen. Peter Welch, D-Vermont, said of Sanders’ resolution in a statement. “Congress and the American people deserve answers to these questions.”
Still, even some Democrats who are concerned about Israel’s actions are wary of Sanders’ approach. Congress has not invoked the arcane human rights authority on which Sanders’ resolution is based. since 1976.
“I’m leaning against it,” Sen. Tim Kaine, D-Va., told reporters last week, explaining that he was focusing his efforts elsewhere.
Kaine is leading an effort to preserve Congress’s ability to review arms transfers to Israel, which would be exempt under the emergency national security spending bill now being discussed. He also backs an attempt by Sen. Chris Van Hollen, D-Md., to direct the president to ensure that countries receiving U.S. military assistance, including Israel, use weapons in accordance with U.S. law, international humanitarian law and international humanitarian law. armed conflicts. .
Senate Republicans are expected to vote against the measure; Its leader, Senator Mitch McConnell of Kentucky, has called the idea of imposing restrictions on military aid to Israel “ridiculous.” And most Democrats, including Sen. Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y., the majority leader, have also been reluctant to back efforts to force the Biden administration to impose conditions on aid to Israel as a matter of law. .
“There is no question that the administration can and should continue to push for reduced civilian casualties and more humanitarian assistance, along with a possible pause to allow the return of hostages,” said Sen. Richard Blumenthal, D-Conn. “But right now, Israel is locked in a life-and-death struggle against a terrorist organization that has sworn to annihilate it and the Jewish people, and I believe we must maintain both military and humanitarian assistance.”
It is still unclear whether Kaine or Van Hollen’s proposals will receive votes, as the national security spending bill remains stalled while border security negotiations drag on without resolution.
But Democratic advocates suggest they are willing to delay the measure unless their proposals are considered.
“To get a bill the size of the supplemental passed in the Senate, it will take our support and cooperation,” Van Hollen said in an interview, adding that there was growing interest among Senate Democrats in his proposal. “We have a lot of influence when it comes to the supplement; we will insist that we have the opportunity to vote on this.”
Pro-Israel groups are lobbying hard against proposals to put conditions on aid to Israel, as well as Sanders’ resolution. And the Biden administration has resisted congressional efforts to impose stipulations on the aid. Officials have also argued that Sanders’ resolution is ill-timed and unnecessary.
“Frankly, it is unworkable,” National Security Council spokesman John F. Kirby said in a statement Sunday. “The Israelis have indicated that they are preparing to transition their operations to a much lower intensity. And we believe that the transition will be useful both in terms of reducing civilian casualties and increasing humanitarian assistance.”
But Israel’s critics in Congress are skeptical of those claims, noting that shelling continues in the southern part of the Gaza Strip. The Biden administration’s recent use of emergency powers to bypass Congress and speed up arms shipments to Israel has also irritated many of the lawmakers pushing for statutory changes.
“There is enormous frustration because, despite what we ask, we are not seeing significant results,” Mr. Van Hollen said. He maintained that the administration’s simultaneous calls for Israel to reduce casualties while supplying its military with weapons sent “a very mixed signal.”
Schumer has not yet committed to allowing a vote on any of the Israel-related amendments to the national security bill, nor has he publicly commented on Sanders’ resolution.
“There are discussions among members of our group with the administration about the best path forward,” Schumer said in a statement. “I’m happy to review what they come up with.”
